Wie viel Prozent der NAACP waren in den 1910er Jahren jüdisch?

Wie viel Prozent der NAACP waren in den 1910er Jahren jüdisch?


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Mitte der 1910er Jahre hatte die NAACP jedoch mehrere prominente jüdische Mitglieder. Die Brüder Joel und Arthur Spingarn waren Vorstandsvorsitzender bzw. Chief Legal Counsel. Herbert Lehman gehörte dem Exekutivausschuss an. Lillian Wald und Walter Sachs gehörten dem Vorstand an. Jacob Schiffand Paul Warburg waren Finanziers der Organisation. 1920 war Herbert Seligmann Leiter der Öffentlichkeitsarbeit und Martha Greuning seine Assistentin. Andere prominente jüdische Persönlichkeiten, die an der Gründung der NAACP beteiligt waren, waren Jacob Billikopf, Julius Rosenwald, Rabbi Emil G. Hirsch und Rabbi Stephen Wise. Kein Wunder, dass Marcus Garvey 1917 aus dem Hauptquartier der NAACP stürmte und sich beschwerte, dass es sich um eine weiße Organisation handele.

https://fanghornforest.wordpress.com/2015/11/18/national-association-for-the-advancement-of-koscher-people/


Die NAACP wurde um 1910 gegründet, nicht "Mitte der 1910er Jahre" von Mary White Ovington, einer Nichtjudin. 1914 schrieb sie eine kurze Broschüre mit dem Titel "Wie die Nationale Vereinigung zur Förderung der Farbigen begann". Nach dieser Darstellung waren fast alle Gründungsmitglieder Nichtjuden, obwohl eine wichtige Figur zu Beginn Henry Moscowitz war, ein enger Vertrauter von Ovington. Eine weitere wichtige Figur war William English Walling, der aus einer prominenten Südstaatenfamilie stammte, aber von seiner Frau Anna Strunsky, einer russischen Jüdin, die sich stark für verschiedene soziale Zwecke engagierte, beeinflusst wurde. Die ursprünglichen Funktionäre der Organisation waren:

Moorfield-Geschoss
William English Walling
John E. Milholland
Oswald Garnison Villard
Frances Blascoer
William Edward Burghardt Du Bois

Unter diesen war nur Blascoer Jude. Im Allgemeinen bestand das Hauptorgan der Organisation aus wohlhabenden protestantischen Abolitionisten wie Storey, Milholland und Villard und es gab viele christliche Geistliche. Jüdische Mitglieder, wie Wallings Frau, waren sicherlich anwesend, aber sie waren eine Minderheit, die vielleicht 10 - 15 % ausmachte.


Der RAC und die Bürgerrechtsbewegung

Es überrascht nicht, dass Juden auf den Kampf gegen Rassentrennung und Diskriminierung in Amerika kraftvoll reagierten. Schließlich wurde keine Gruppe in der Geschichte so häufig Opfer von Rassenhass.

[ Auszug aus A. Vorspan und D. Saperstein, Jüdische Dimensionen sozialer Gerechtigkeit: Harte moralische Entscheidungen unserer Zeit (UAHC-Presse: 1998, 203ff) ]

Es überrascht nicht, dass Juden auf den Kampf gegen Rassentrennung und Diskriminierung in Amerika kraftvoll reagierten. Schließlich wurde keine Gruppe in der Geschichte so häufig Opfer von Rassenhass. Infolgedessen haben sich nur wenige Teile der amerikanischen Gemeinschaft so stark in den Kampf für Bürgerrechte engagiert wie die jüdische Gemeinschaft. Als Ergebnis der Forderungen des Glaubens und des aufgeklärten Eigeninteresses dienten Juden an vorderster Front im Kampf gegen die Rassentrennung in Bildung, öffentlichen Unterkünften und Wahlen, indem sie eine aktive Rolle in den Gleichstellungskämpfen der 50er und 20er Jahre spielten. 60er Jahre, als eine starke schwarz-jüdische Allianz im Zentrum der Bürgerrechtsbewegung stand.

  • Als der Mississippi-Sommer 1964 organisiert wurde, um die gesetzliche Segregation im hartnäckigsten Widerstandsstaat der Union zu durchbrechen, waren 50 Prozent der jungen Leute, die sich aus allen Teilen der Vereinigten Staaten freiwillig meldeten, Juden. In diesem Kampf töteten weiße Extremisten in Philadelphia, Mississippi, drei Märtyrer. Zwei von ihnen, Andrew Goodman und Michael Schwerner, waren Juden, der dritte, James Earl Chaney, war schwarz.
  • Juden halfen dabei, die von Organisationen wie der National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, der Southern Christian Leadership Conference und dem Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee gesammelten Gelder zu gründen und/oder trugen wesentlich dazu bei.
  • Kivie Kaplan (eine stellvertretende Vorsitzende der Reform Jewish Movement) war viele Jahre lang der nationale Präsident der NAACP Arnie Aronson und Joe Rauh Jr. diente als Sekretär bzw. General Counsel der Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR). Jack Greenberg war der geschäftsführende Direktor des NAACP Legal Defense Fund. Dies waren nur einige der vielen Juden, die eine Schlüsselrolle in der Bürgerrechtsbewegung spielten. Passenderweise überreichte Präsident Clinton 1998 Aronson, einem amerikanisch-jüdischen Führer, der zusammen mit dem legendären A. Philip Randolph und Roy Wilkins die LCCR gründete, die Presidential Medal of Freedom. Jahrzehntelang führte Aronson jüdische und schwarze Bürgerrechtsführer bei der Kartierung von Strategien zur Verabschiedung von mehr als 30 weitreichenden Bürgerrechtsgesetzen an.
  • Von 1910-1940 wurden mehr als 2.000 Schulen und 20 schwarze Colleges (einschließlich der Howard-, Dillard- und Fisk-Universitäten) ganz oder teilweise durch Beiträge des jüdischen Philanthropen Julius Rosenwald finanziert. Auf dem Höhepunkt der sogenannten „Rosenwaldschulen“ wurden fast 40 Prozent der südlichen Schwarzen an einer dieser Einrichtungen ausgebildet.
  • Rabbiner marschierten mit Martin Luther King Jr. durch den Süden, wo einige geschlagen und viele eingesperrt wurden. Prominenter unter ihnen war Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel, der ein spiritueller Partner von King im Kampf gegen Rassismus war. Viele der Führer der URJ und CCAR wurden 1964 zusammen mit Martin Luther King Jr. in St. Augustine, Florida, verhaftet, nachdem sie die Rassentrennung in öffentlichen Unterkünften herausgefordert hatten.

Die Reformbewegung und Bürgerrechte
Die jüdische politische Einflussnahme trug zur Verabschiedung wegweisender Bürgerrechtsgesetze auf nationaler und lokaler Ebene bei. Nachdem Bürgerrechte und religiöse Gruppen das Gewissen Amerikas gegen das rassistische Böse mobilisiert hatten, kam es zumindest zu Veränderungen. Der Civil Rights Act von 1964 und der Voting Rights Act von 1965 wurden beide im Konferenzraum des RAC-Gebäudes in Washington, D.C., unter der Ägide der Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (die jahrzehntelang im Zentrum untergebracht war) ausgearbeitet.

Die Jüdische Gemeinde war weiterhin eifrige Unterstützer von über einem Dutzend der weitreichendsten Bürgerrechtsgesetze in der Geschichte des Landes, die sich gegen die anhaltende Diskriminierung von Frauen, ethnischen Minderheiten und Menschen mit Behinderungen bei Wahlen, Wohnen und Beschäftigung richteten.

Auf die Reformbewegung wird seit den 1990er Jahren geachtet, da ihre Führer die jüdische Gemeinde in den Exekutivkomitees der LCCR und im nationalen Vorstand der NAACP vertreten. Rabbi David Saperstein ist derzeit der einzige Nicht-Afrikaner im NAACP-Vorstand.


Bürgerrechte und das Arthur-und-Sara-Jo-Kobacker-Gebäude
​30 Jahre lang beherbergte das Religious Action Center eine Reihe wichtiger Bürgerrechts- und jüdischer Organisationen, die sich regelmäßig trafen, um Unterstützung für die Bürgerrechtsgesetzgebung zu mobilisieren. Im Folgenden sind einige der wichtigsten Bürgerrechtsgesetze aufgeführt, die entweder im Zentrum entworfen wurden und/oder für die die Koalition, die die Gesetzgebung unterstützt, ihre Sitzungen im Konferenzraum des Zentrums abgehalten hat:


Geschichte der Juden in Ungarn - Anteil der jüdischen Bevölkerung an der Gesamtzahl im Jahr 1910

N = Neolog-Mehrheit n = Neolog-Minderheit Q = Status quo ante Mehrheit q = Status quo ante Minderheit X = Orthodoxe Mehrheit x = Orthodoxe Minderheit * = Chasidische Dynastie ist vorhanden (siehe). Wenn die Stadt und das Dorf nur eine orthodoxe Gemeinde hatten, ist sie nicht gekennzeichnet.

Die Stadt oder das Dorf gehörte zwischen 1941 und 1944 zu SL = Slowakei, RO = Rumänien, GE = Deutschland, IT = Italien, CR = Kroatien. Die nicht gekennzeichneten Gemeinden standen während des Holocaust unter ungarischer Herrschaft.

Die Aussprache der ungarischen Namen ist konsistent: s= sh, sz= s, c= cz = tz, cs= ch, zs= zh, gy= dy, ly= y, j= y.

Die Liste der "rendezett tanácsú" oder "törvényhatósági jogú" (d.h. autonomen) Städte, in denen die jüdische Bevölkerung 5 % überstieg, lautete:

  • Munkács (Mukachevo) 44,4% *,
  • Máramarossziget (Sighetu Marmaţiei) 37,4% *,
  • Ungvár (Uzhhorod) 31,4% *Xn, Bártfa (Bardejov SL) 30,4%, Beregszász (Berehove) 30,2% *,
  • Sátoraljaújhely 28,7% *Xq,
  • Nagyvárad (Oradea) 23,6% Xn, Budapest 23,1% Nx, Nyitra (Nitra SL) 22,4% *,
  • Szilágysomlyó (Şimleu Silvaniei) 20,9%, Bánffyhunyad (Huedin) 20,7%, Szatmárnémeti (Satu Mare) 20,6% *Xq, Miskolc 20,0% *,
  • Dés (Dej) 18,9% *, Újpest, jetzt ein Teil von Budapest 18,4% N,
  • Trencsén (Trenčín SL) 16,7%, Késmárk (Kežmarok SL) 16,6%, Losonc (Lučenec) 16,5% Nx, Eperjes (Prešov SL) 16,4%, Zsolna (Žilina SL) 16,0%,
  • Nagykároly (Carei) 15,5 %, Pápa 15,3 % *, Kassa (Košice) 15,2% *Nx,
  • Leva (Levice) 14,3% Q, Nagyszombat (Trnava SL) 14,0%,
  • Kaposvár 13,9% N, Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia RO) 13,7%, Kisszeben (Sabinov SL) 13,3%, Poprád (Poprad SL) 13,0%,
  • Nagykanizsa 12,7% N, Győr 12,6% Nx, Gyöngyös 12,6% Qx, Zalaegerszeg 12,4% N, Szepesváralja (Spišské Podhradie SL) 12,4%,
  • Hátszeg (Hațeg RO) 11,8%, Besztercebánya (Banská Bystrica SL) 11,7%, Kolozsvár (Cluj-Napoca) 11,6% *Xn, Szamosújvár (Gherla) 11,3%, Vác 11,2%,
  • Beszterce (Bistriţa) 10,9%, Nagybánya (Baia Mare) 10,9%, Szászrégen (Reghin) 10,8% *, Komárom 10,7% Nx, Pozsony (Bratislava SL, Pressburg) 10,5%, Nyíregyháza 10,2% Qx, Szombathely (A 10,1%) Arad RO) 10,0 %, Rimaszombat (Rimavská Sobota) 10,0 %,
  • Baja 9,9% N, Eger 9,5% *qx, Érsekújvár (Nové Zámky) 9,5% Xn, Lőcse (Levoča SL) 9,5%, Lugos (Lugoj RO) 9,5%, Temesvár (Timișoara RO) 9,3%, Dicsőszentmárton (Târnăveni RO) 9,2%, Debrecen 9,1% * Deva-RO) 9,1 %,
  • Marosvásárhely (Târgu Mureş) 8,7% Xq, Rózsahegy (Ružomberok SL) 8,7%, Veszprém 8,6% N, Székesfehérvár 8,3% Nx, Pécs 8,1% N,
  • Fogaras (Făgăraş RO) 7,8%, Rozsnyó (Rožňava) 7,5% N, Jolsva (Jelšava) 7,5%, Bazin (Pezinok SL) 7,5%, Szolnok 7,2% N,
  • Újvidék (Novi Sad) 6,9% N, Zólyom (Zvolen SL) 6,9%, Sopron (Ödenburg) 6,7% nx, Nagyrőce (Revúca SL) 6,7%, Körmöcbánya (Kremnica SL) 6,6%, Csíkszereda (Miercurea-Ciuc) 6,5%, Kolozs (Cojocna) 6,5%, Igló (Spišská Nová Ves SL) 6,3%, Felsőbánya (Baia Sprie) 6,1%, Szepesbéla (Spišská Belá SL) 6,1%, Hajdúnánás 6,0%,
  • Szeged 5,8% N, Makó 5,5% Xn, Kismarton (Eisenstadt GE) 5,5%, Szekszárd 5,6% N, Karánsebes (Caransebeş RO) 5,2%, Zilah (Zalău) 5,1%, Esztergom 5,1% N.

In mehreren Städten überstieg die Zahl der Juden eintausend Menschen, aber ihr Anteil an der lokalen Bevölkerung betrug weniger als 5,0%. Zu diesen Städten gehörten Szabadka (Subotica) Nx mit 3539 jüdischen Einwohnern (3,7%), Kecskemét 2022 (3,0%), Békéscsaba 1970 (4,6%), Fiume (Rijeka IT) 1696 (3,4%), Hódmezővásárhely 1381 (2,2%), Zenta (Senta) * 1328 (4,5%), Nagybecskerek (Зрењанин, Zrenjanin) 1232 (4,7%), Cegléd 1121 (3,3%), Karcag 1077 (4,7%), Kiskunfélegyháza 1051 (3,0%), während Jászberény 1017 (3,4%) hatte ).

Andere Städte und Dörfer mit bedeutender jüdischer Präsenz im Jahr 1910 waren:

  • Alsókismartonhegy (jetzt Teil von Eisenstadt GE) 79,3%, Tiszakarácsonyfa (Crăciuneşti) 52,8%,
  • Faluszlatina (Solotvyno) 47,6%, Sztropkó (Stropkov SL) 44,1% *, Dunaszerdahely (Dunajská Streda) 43,6% *, Alsóverecke (Нижні Ворота, Nyzhni Vorota) 41,3%,
  • Oroszvég (Rosvehove, jetzt Teil von Mukatschewo) 39,5%, Romoly (Romuli) 39,2%, Visóoroszi (Ruscova) 37,5%,
  • Homonna (Humenné SL) 34,8%, Tiszaújlak (Вилок, Vylok) 34,8%, Nagyberezna (Великий Березний, Velyky Berezny) 34,5%, Mezőlaborc (Medzilaborce SL) 34,3%,
  • Nagykapos (Veľké Kapušany) 33,8%, Beregkövesd (Кам'янське, Kamjans'ke) 33,5%, Hunfalva (Huncovce SL) 33,2% *,
  • Felsővisó (Vişeu de Sus) 32,9%, Szaplonca (Săpânţa) 32,6% *, Galánta (Galanta) 32,4%, Nagymihály (Michalovce) 32,3%, Majdánka (Maydan) 31,8%,
  • Halmi (Halmeu) 30,7%, Kisvárda 30,3%, Liptószentmiklós (Liptovský Mikuláš SL) 30,3%, Nagytapolcsány (Topoľčany SL) 30,2%, Rozália (Rozavlea) 30,1%,
  • Zboró (Zborov SL) 29,7%, Ósándorfalva (Олександрівка, Oleksandrivka) 29,7%,
  • Gálszécs (Sečovce SL) 28,8%, Nagyszőlős (Vynohradiv) 28,6%, Bacsó (Чабанівка, Chabanivka) 28,5%, Bustyaháza (Буштинo, Bushtyno) 28,2%, Kökényes (Терново) 28,0%, Ternovo, Ternovo
  • Lakompak (Lackenbach GE) 27,8%, Varannó (Vranov nad Topľou SL) 27,4%,
  • Benedeki (Бенедиківці, Benedykivci) 26,9%, Majszin (Moisei) 26,8%, Vágújhely (Nové Mesto nad Váhom SL) 26,4%, Szolyva (Svaliava) 26,2%, Hidalmás (Hida) 26,0%,
  • Szerednye (Serednje, ереднє) 25,8%, Dragomérfalva (Dragomireşti) 25,7%, Nagysomkút (Şomcuta Mare) 25,4%, Gánya (Ганичі, Ganychi) 25,4%, Vajnág (Вонігово, Vonerovofal 25,4%)
  • Ilosva (Irshava) 24,9%, Magyarlápos (Târgu Lăpuş) 24,6%, Nagykirva (Криве, Kryve) 24,6%, Sasvár (Šaštín-Stráže SL) 24,5%, Szepesófalu (Spišská Stará Veszo SL) 24,4%, Szepesófalu (Spišská Stará Veszo SL) 24,4% , Szabadszállás 24,3%, Kisdobrony (Мала Добронь, Mala Dobron') 24,2%, Kabolapatak (Valea Hotarului) 24,2%, Borsa (Borşa) 24,2%,
  • Tolcsva 23,5% *, Németvágás (Poruba pod Vihorlatom SL) 23,3%, Polena (Поляна, Poljana) 23,2%, Huszt (Khust) 23,0% *,
  • Mezőkaszony (Косонь, Koson') 22,9%, Retteg (Reteag) 22,9%, Nagyilonda (Ileanda) 22,7% Tornalja (Tornaľa SL) 22,5%, Nyitrazsámbokrét (Žabokreky nad Nitrou SL) 22,4%, Taracköz (Тересва) 22,2%, Teresva Uglya (Угля, Uglja) 22,0%,
  • Tokaj 21,9%, Felsőapsa (Верхнє Водяне, Verhnje Vodjane) 21,9%, Bilke (Білки, Bilky) 21,8%, Alőr (Urişor) 21,8%, Alsókubin (Dolný Kubín SL) 21,6%, Margitta (Marghita) 21,5%, Alsókininifalva (Kalinifal) ) 21,5%, Puhó (Púchov SL) 21,1%, Királyhelmec (Kráľovský Chlmec) 21,0%, Petrova (Petrova) 21,0%, Szeklence (Сокирниця, Sokyrnycja) 21,0%,
  • Héthárs (Lipany SL) 20,7%, Balassagyarmat 20,6%, Vásárosnamény 20,5%, Kabold (Kobersdorf GE) 20,2%, Nyírmada 20,2%, Nagymagyar (Zlaté Klasy) 20,2%, Girált (Giraltovce SL) 20,0%,
  • Nagybiccse (Bytča SL) 19,8%, Alsóróna (Rona de Jos) 19,8%, Ökörmező (Mizhhir'ya) 19,7%, Nagybocskó (Velykyy Bychkiv) 19,5%, Mád 19,4%, Bodrogkeresztúr 19,3% *, Érmihályfalva (Valea lui Mihai) 19,2%, Havasmező (Poienile de sub Munte) 19,2%, Beregkisfalud (Сільце, Sil'ce) 19,1%, Bethlen (Beclean) 19,0%, Úrmező (Руське Поле, Rus'ke Pole) 19,0% , Mátészalka 19,0 %, Abaújszántó 19,0 %,
  • Izaszacsal (Săcel) 18,9%, Nyírbátor 18,8%, Irhóc (Вілхівці, Vilkhivci) 18,8%, Sopronkeresztúr (Deutschkreutz GE) 18,6% *, Putnok 18,1%, Dombó (Dubove) 18,1%,
  • Bonyhád 17,8% Xn, Bözödújfalu (Bezidu Nou) 17,7%, Felsővízköz (Svidník SL) 17,7%, Ilonca (Ільниця, Il'nycja) 17,7%, Bán (Bánovce nad Bebravou SL) 17,6%, Szikszó 17,3%, Herinchovo) (Horynchovo) 17,2 %, Kissalló (jetzt Teil von Tekovské Lužianky) 17,2 %, Csenger 17,2 %,
  • Budfalva (Budeşti, Bistriţa-Năsăud) 16,9%, Magyarnemegye (Nimigea de Jos) 16,9%, Lemes (Lemešany SL) 16,8%, Naszód (Năsăud) 16,7% *, Volóc (Воловець, Volovec') 16,2%, Lipcse (Липча) Lypcha) 16,1%,
  • Zsibó (Jibou) 15,9%, Ipolyság (Šahy) 15,7%, Encs 15,7%, Szinérváralja (Seini) 15,6%,
  • Balatonboglár 15,4% N, Tab 15,3%, Barcánfalva (Bârsana) 15,2%, Kovácsrét (Кушниця, Kusnycja 15,1%, Boldogasszony (Frauenkirchen GE) 15,1%, Szerencs 15,1%, Radnótfája (Iernuţeni, jetzt Teil von Sáhin) 15,0% Cehu Silvaniei) 15,0 %,
  • Szenice (Senica SL) 14,9%, Alsóhidegpatak (Нижний Студенї, Nyzhny Studeni) 14,9%, Técső (Tiachiv) 14,8% *, Jód (Ieud) 14,8%, Turócszentmárton (Martin SL) 14,7%, Ölyvös (Вільхівka) 14,7%, Alsóvisó (Viseu de Jos) 14,6%,
  • Olaszliszka 14,4% *, Alsószinevér (Sinevir) 14,3%, Kövesliget (Драгово, Drahovo) 14,3%, Felsőszelistye (Săliştea de Sus) 14,2%, Alsólendva (Lendava) 14,0%, Borgóprund (Prundu Bârgăului) 14,0%,
  • Tapolca 13,8% N, Keszthely 13,8% N, Rohod 13,8%, Galgóc (Hlohovec SL) 13,7%, Hodász 13,6%, Nagymarton (Mattersdorf GE) 13,5%*, Avasújfalu (Certeze) 13,5%,
  • Fehérgyarmat 13,4%, Alsóapsa (Нижня Апша, Nyzhnja Apsha) 13,4%, Királyháza (Королеве, Koroleve) 13,4%, Aszód 13,3% N, Tasnád (Tăşnad) 13,3%,
  • Levelek 12,9%, Ólubló (Stará Ľubovňa SL) 12,8%, Jánosháza 12,7%, Nyírbogát 12,7%, Élesd (Aleşd) 12,7%, Vaján (Vojany) 12,6%, Vitka (jetzt Teil von Vásárosnamény) 12,5%,
  • Jármi 12,4%, Rahó (Rakhiv) 12,3%, Mándok 12,3%, Vágbeszterce (Považská Bystrica SL) 12,3%, Szamossályi 12,2%, Nyírtass 12,2% *, Csaroda 12,1%, Gergelyi 12,1%, Berettyóújfalu 12,1%, Nyírmeggyes 12,0%,
  • Sajószentpéter 11,9%, Csáktornya (Čakovec) 11,9% N, Gemzse 11,9%, Nyírbakta 11,8%, Aranyosmarót (Zlaté Moravce SL) 11,8%, Jóka (Jelka) 11,7%, Nagyatád 11,6% N, Szentgotthárd 11,6% N, Sif , Pöstyén (Piešťany SL) 11,5%,
  • Nagykálló 11,3% *, Beled 11,3%, Ilk 11,3%, Vaja 11,3%, Gernyés (Копашньово, Kopashn'ovo) 11,3%, Nagysurány (Šurany) 11,2%, Vilmány 11,2%, Erdőbénye 11,1%, Gyömöre 11,1%, Nagysimonyi 11,0%, Nyírjákó 11,0% , Sárospatak 11,0%
  • Zalaszentgrót 10,9 % N, Dolha (Довге, Dovhe) 10,8 %, Nyírcsászári 10,8 %, Párkány (Štúrovo) 10,7 % N, Szécsény 10,7 %, Iza (Iza) 10,7 %, Kemecse 10,6 %, Nagymegyer (Ve) 10ľ (Čaňa) 10,6%, Avasújváros (Oraşu Nou) 10,5%,
  • Barcs 10,3% N, Szenc (Senec) 10,3%, Lövőpetri 10,2%, Szinna (Snina SL) 10,1%, Avasfelsőfalu (Negrești-Oaș) 10,1%, Szepsi (Moldava nad Bodvou) 10,0%, Magosliget 10,0%, Petneháza 10,0%,
  • Tiszalök 9,9%, Kisvarsány 9,9%, Újfehértó 9,8% *, Hőgyész 9,7%, Csorna 9,7%, Hidasnémeti 9,7%, Dombóvár 9,6%, Demecser 9,6%, Maroshévíz (Toplița) 9,6%, Holics (Holíč SL) 9,6%, Nagypalád (Велика Паладь, 9,6%, Velyka Palad') %, Ramocsaháza 9,6%, Szabolcsbáka 9,5%, Mezőcsát 9,5%, Olcsva 9,5%, Erzsébetfalva (jetzt ein Teil von Budapest) 9,5%,
  • Ónod 9,3 %, Vámosmikola 9,2 %, Büdszentmihály (jetzt Teil von Tiszavasvári) 9,1 %, Gyüre 9,1 %, Hejőcsaba 9,1 %, Aranyosmeggyes (Medieșu Aurit) 9,1 %, Privigye (Prievidza SL) 9,1 %, Pásztórá 9,1 %, Nyrs Nyira ) 9,0 %, Porcsalma 9,0 %,
  • Tarcal 8,9%, Illava (Ilava SL) 8,9%, Ond 8,9%, Körmend 8,8% N, Ópályi 8,8%, Egeres (Aghireșu) 8,7%, Verebély (Vráble) 8,6%, Nagygéc 8,6%, Veszprém 8,6%, Szilágypér (Pir ) 8,6%, Céke (Cejkov) 8,6%, Zalalövő 8,5%, Muraszombat (Murska Sobota) 8,5% N, Sásd 8,5%, Gyulaháza 8,5%, Szendrő 8,5%,
  • Cégénydányád 8,4%, Perecseny (Перечин, Perechyn), 8,4%, Vágsellye (Šaľa) 8,4%, Kersemjén 8,4%, Szurduk (Surduc) 8,4%, Sárvár 8,3% Xn, Marcali 8,3% N, Edelényár 8,3%, Szigetv Fülesd 8,3%, Tiszaadony 8,3%, Kraszna (Crasna) 8,3%, Celldömölk 8,3%, Vármező (Buciumi) 8,2%, Visk (Вишковo, Vyshkovo) 8,1%, Diszel 8,1%, Feled (Jesenské SL) 8,1%, Fülek (Fiľakovo .) ) 8,0 %, Paks 8,0 %,
  • Tata 7,9% N, Ruttka (Vrútky SL) 7,9%, Nyírbogdány 7,9%, Oszlány (Oslany SL) 7,8%, Boldogkőváralja 7,8%, Kisbér 7,8%, Tállya 7,7%, Bercel 7,7%, Gönc 7,7%, Csaca (Čadca SL ) 7,7%, Nagyecsed 7,6% *, Farkasrév (Vadu Izei) 7,6%, Eszék (Osijek CR) 7,5%, Nyíracsád 7,5%, Nyírkarász 7,5%, Széphalom 7,5%,
  • Salgótarján 7,4%, Balatonfüred 7,4%, Gégény 7,4%, Tiszaszentmárton 7,4%, Szirák 7,3%, Csabrendek 7,3%, Dámóc 7,3%, Szatmárcseke 7,3%, Hatvan 7,2% N, Sárbogárd 7,2%, Telc 7,2%, Devecer %, Moson (Wieselburg, jetzt Teil von Mosonmagyaróvár) 7,1% Q, Városszalónak (Stadtschlaining GE) 7,1%, Álmosd 7,1%, Apc 7,0%, Óradna (Rodna) 7,0%, Liptóújvár (Liptovský Hrádok SL) 7,0%, Csáki Gârbou) 7,0 %, Nyírmihálydi 7,0 %, Tiszadada 7,0 %,
  • Fábiánháza 6,9 %, Gulács 6,9 %, Kővágóörs 6,8 %, Vajszló 6,8 %, Tiszafüred 6,8 ​​%, Pacsa 6,8 % N, Belovár (Bjelovar CR) 6,8 %, Bercsényifalva (Дубриничі, Dubrynychi) 6,8 %, Borynychi) 6,8 % pahidazahida (Apahidazahida) (Borsec) 6,7%, Alsószopor (Supuru de Jos) 6,6%, Ricse 6,6%, Nagytétény (jetzt ein Teil von Budapest) 6,5%, Dombrád 6,5%,
  • Podolin (Podolínec SL) 6,4%, Liptótepla (Liptovská Teplá SL) 6,4%, Talaborfalu (Теребля, Tereblja 6,4%, Rohonc (Rechnitz GE) 6,3%, Malacka (Malacky SL) 6,3%, Földes 6,3%, Kapolcs 6,3%, Rajka 6,3%, Pécel 6,2% Q, Vámospércs 6,2%, Aknasugatag (Ocna Şugatag) 6,1%, Nagydobrony (Велика Добронь, Velyka Dobron') 6,0%, Sümeg 6,0%,
  • Kapuvár 5,9%, Harkány 5,9%, Rákosszentmihály (jetzt ein Teil von Budapest) 5,9%, Nyírlugos 5,8%, Pécsvárad 5,8%, Kaba 5,8%, Tinnye 5,8%, Salánk (Шаланки, Shalanky) 5,8%, Hajdúsámson 5,7%, Tét 5,7% , Alistál (Dolný Štál) 5,7%, Mezőkeresztes 5,7%, Mohács 5,6% N, Tamási 5,6% N, Kapronca (Koprivnica CR) 5,6%, Pincehely 5,6%, Kispest (jetzt ein Teil von Budapest) 5,5% N, Vasvár 5,5% N , Pozsega (Požega CR) 5,5%, Bród (Slavonski Brod CR) 5,5%, Harsány 5,5%,
  • Zágráb (Zagreb CR) 5,4%, Tarpa 5,2%, Tiszabő 5,4%, Szakoly 5,4%, Derecske 5,3%, Kistarcsa 5,3%, Vadna 5,3%, Verpelét 5,3%, Villány 5,3%, Kunmadaras 5,2%, Kalocsa 5,1% N, Sziszek (Sisak CR) 5,0%, Enying 5,0%, Piliscsaba 5,0%, Pócspetri 5,0%, Monor 5,0%.

Kreise, in denen die jüdische Bevölkerung, einschließlich der autonomen Städte, 4% erreichte, waren

  • Máramaros 18,4%, Bereg 14,2%, Ugocsa 12,9%, Ung 10,9%,
  • Zemplén 9,6%, Szabolcs 7,9%, Szatmár 7,4%, Sáros 7,1%, Abaúj-Torna 7,1%,
  • Bihar 6,4%, Hajdú 6,0%, Pozsony 5,8%, Beszterce-Naszód 5,7%, Nyitra 5,0%, Szolnok-Dobóka 5,1%,
  • Szilágy 4,3%, Kolozs 4,3%, Szepes 4,3%.

Berühmte Zitate mit den Wörtern jüdisch, Bevölkerung, Prozentsatz und/oder Gesamt:

&bdquo Don: Warum sind sie geschlossen? Sie sind alle geschlossen, jeder von ihnen.
Pfandleiher: Sicher sind sie das. Es ist Jom Kippur.
Don: Es ist was?
Pfandleiher: Es ist Jom Kippur, a jüdisch Urlaub.
Don: Ist es? Und was ist mit Kelly’s und Gallagher’s?
Pfandleiher: Sie sind auch geschlossen. Wir haben eine Vereinbarung. Sie bleiben an Jom Kippur geschlossen und wir öffnen nicht an St. Patricks. &rdquo
&ndashBilly Wilder (geb. 1906)

&bdquo Wie viel Sühne ist genug? Die Bombardierung muss zumindest als Teilzahlung zugelassen werden: Diejenigen unserer jungen Leute, die sich Sorgen um das moralische Problem der alliierten Luftoffensive machen, sollten zumindest das moralische Problem bedenken, das sich gestellt hätte, wenn die deutsche Zivilbevölkerung Population hatte gar nicht gelitten. &rdquo
&ndashClive James (geb. 1939)

&bdquo Wenn mein Geschäft legitim wäre, würde ich einen erheblichen Betrag abziehen Prozentsatz zur Abwertung meines Körpers.
Kontemplative und buchstäbliche Männer müssen notwendigerweise streitsüchtiger sein als andere, weil sie nicht über Tatsachen streiten und ihre Kontroversen auch nicht durch bestimmte Zeugen oder Richter bestimmen können. Aber solange sie zum Frieden gehen, ist das die Wahrheit, egal in welche Richtung. &rdquo
&mdashJohn Donne (ca. 1572�)

&bdquo Computer sind gut darin, schnelle und genaue Berechnungen durchzuführen und große Mengen an Informationen zu speichern. Das Gehirn hingegen ist kein so effizienter Zahlenbrecher und sein Gedächtnis ist oft sehr fehlbar, eine grundlegende Ungenauigkeit ist in sein Design eingebaut. Die Stärke des Gehirns ist seine Flexibilität. Es ist unübertroffen darin, kluge Vermutungen anzustellen und die gesamt Bedeutung der ihm präsentierten Informationen. &rdquo
&mdashJeremy Campbell (geb. 1931)


Geschichte

Die junge Gruppe kämpfte eine Zeit lang mit begrenzten Ressourcen und beschloss, ihre Mitgliederzahl zu erweitern, um ihre Reichweite und Effektivität zu erhöhen. Anfragen zur Unterstützung gingen an mehr als 60 prominente Amerikaner des Tages, und ein Sitzungstermin wurde für den 12. Februar 1909 festgelegt, der mit dem 100. Geburtstag von Präsident Abraham Lincoln zusammenfallen sollte. Obwohl das Treffen erst drei Monate später stattfand, wird dieses Datum oft als Gründungsdatum der Organisation genannt.

Am 30. Mai 1909 fand im New Yorker Henry Street Settlement House die Konferenz der Niagara-Bewegung statt, aus der eine Organisation von mehr als 40 Personen hervorging, die sich selbst nannte Nationales Negerkomitee. Du Bois spielte eine Schlüsselrolle bei der Organisation der Veranstaltung und leitete das Verfahren. Ebenfalls anwesend war die afroamerikanische Journalistin und Anti-Lynching-Kreuzritterin Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Mitbegründerin der NAACP. Die Organisation hielt ihre zweite Konferenz im Mai 1910 ab, bei der die Mitglieder den Namen National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People wählten. Der Name wurde am 30. Mai offiziell angenommen und die NAACP ein Jahr später, im Jahr 1911, aufgenommen. Die Satzung der Vereinigung umschrieb ihre Mission:

DuBois spielte weiterhin eine zentrale Rolle in der Organisation und war Redakteur des Verbandsmagazins, Die Krise, die eine Auflage von über 30.000 hatte.

Die jüdische Gemeinde trug massgeblich zur Gründung und Fortführung der Finanzierung der NAACP bei. Der jüdische Historiker Howard Sachar schreibt in seinem Buch Eine Geschichte der Juden in Amerika "Im Jahr 1914 wurde Professor Emeritus Joel Spingarn von der Columbia University Vorsitzender der NAACP und rekrutierte jüdische Führer wie Jacob Schiff, Jacob Billikopf und Rabbi Stephen Wise für deren Vorstand." [1] (http://www.myjewishlearning.com/history_community/Modern/Overview_The_Story_19481980/America/PWPolitics/CivilRights.htm)

Kampf gegen Jim Crow

Bis 1914 hatte die Gruppe 6.000 Mitglieder und 50 Zweige und war einflussreich bei der Erlangung des Rechts der Afroamerikaner, als Offiziere im Ersten Weltkrieg zu dienen. Sechshundert afroamerikanische Offiziere wurden in Dienst gestellt und 700.000 für die Einberufung registriert. Im folgenden Jahr organisierte die NAACP einen landesweiten Protest gegen D.W. Griffiths Stummfilm Geburt einer Nation, ein Film, der den Ku-Klux-Klan verherrlichte.

Die NAACP spielte schon früh in ihrer Geschichte eine führende Rolle in Gerichtsverfahren, die auf Rassentrennung und andere Verweigerungen von Bürgerrechten abzielten. Es spielte eine bedeutende Rolle bei der Herausforderung der diskriminierenden "Großvater"-Herrschaft von Oklahoma, die viele schwarze Bürger entrechtet hatte. Es überzeugte den Obersten Gerichtshof der Vereinigten Staaten, in zu entscheiden Buchanan v. Warley 1917, dass Staaten Afroamerikaner nicht offiziell in separate Wohnbezirke aufteilen können.

1916, als die NAACP gerade sieben Jahre alt war, lud der Vorsitzende Joel Spingarn James Weldon Johnson ein, als Außenminister zu dienen. Johnson war ein ehemaliger US-Konsul in Venezuela und ein bekannter Gelehrter und Kolumnist. Innerhalb von vier Jahren war Johnson maßgeblich daran beteiligt, die Mitgliederzahl der NAACP von 9.000 auf fast 90.000 zu erhöhen. 1920 wurde Johnson zum Leiter der Organisation gewählt. In den nächsten zehn Jahren unter seiner Führung würde die NAACP ihre Lobbying- und Prozessführungsbemühungen eskalieren und international bekannt für ihr Eintreten für gleiche Rechte und gleichen Schutz für den "amerikanischen Neger" werden.

Die NAACP widmete zwischen dem Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieg einen Großteil ihrer Energie dem Kampf gegen das Lynchen von Schwarzen in den Vereinigten Staaten. Die Organisation schickte Walter F. White im Oktober 1919 nach Phillips County, Arkansas, um den Elaine Race Riot zu untersuchen, bei dem mehr als zweihundert schwarze Pächter von umherziehenden weißen Bürgerwehren und Bundestruppen getötet wurden, nachdem ein stellvertretender Sheriff eine Gewerkschaft angegriffen hatte Bei einem Treffen der Pächter ist ein weißer Mann gestorben. Die NAACP organisierte die Berufungen für die zwölf zum Tode Verurteilten einen Monat später auf der Grundlage von durch Schläge und Elektroschocks erhaltenen Zeugenaussagen und erwirkte eine bahnbrechende Entscheidung des Obersten Gerichtshofs in der Rechtssache Moore gegen Dempsey, die die Aufsicht der Bundesgerichte über die Strafjustiz der Staaten in den kommenden Jahren.

Die NAACP verbrachte auch mehr als ein Jahrzehnt damit, nach Bundesgesetzen zu suchen, die das Lynchen verbieten. Die Organisation zeigte regelmäßig eine schwarze Flagge mit der Aufschrift "A Man Was Lynched Yesterday" aus dem Fenster ihrer Büros in New York, um jede Empörung zu markieren.

Die NAACP führte den erfolgreichen Kampf zusammen mit der American Federation of Labour, um die Nominierung von John Johnston Parker an den Obersten Gerichtshof zu verhindern, basierend auf seiner Unterstützung für die Verweigerung des Wahlrechts für Schwarze und seine Anti-Arbeitnehmer-Entscheidungen. Sie organisierte Unterstützung für die Scottsboro Boys, obwohl die NAACP die meisten mörderischen Kämpfe mit der Kommunistischen Partei und der Internationalen Arbeitsverteidigung um die Kontrolle dieser Fälle und die zu verfolgende Strategie verlor. Die Organisation brachte auch Rechtsstreitigkeiten ein, um das "weiße Primärsystem" im Süden anzufechten.

Aufhebung der Rassentrennung

Die Rechtsabteilung der NAACP unter der Leitung von Charles Hamilton Houston und Thurgood Marshall unternahm eine jahrzehntelange Kampagne, um die durch die Entscheidung des Obersten Gerichtshofs in der Rechtssache Plessy gegen Ferguson verkündete getrennte, aber gleiche Doktrin rückgängig zu machen. Angefangen mit der Anfechtung der Rassentrennung an staatlichen Berufsschulen, dann Angriffen auf Jim Crow auf College-Ebene, gipfelte die Kampagne in einer einstimmigen Entscheidung des Obersten Gerichtshofs im Fall Brown v. Board of Education, in der die staatlich geförderte Trennung von Grundschulen für verfassungswidrig erklärt wurde.

Gestärkt durch diesen Sieg drängte die NAACP auf die vollständige Aufhebung der Rassentrennung im gesamten Süden. Ab dem 5. Dezember 1955 haben NAACP-Aktivisten, darunter E.D. Nixon, der lokale Präsident, und Rosa Parks, die als Sekretärin des Chapters gedient hatte, halfen bei der Organisation eines Busboykotts in Montgomery, Alabama, um gegen die Rassentrennung in den Bussen der Stadt zu protestieren, als zwei Drittel der Fahrer schwarz waren. Der Boykott dauerte 381 Tage.

Der Staat Alabama reagierte, indem er der NAACP effektiv untersagte, innerhalb seiner Grenzen zu operieren, weil sie sich weigerte, eine Liste ihrer Mitglieder zu veröffentlichen, aus Angst, dass sie entlassen oder gewalttätige Vergeltungsmaßnahmen für ihre Aktivitäten erleiden würden. Während der Oberste Gerichtshof die Entscheidung im Fall NAACP gegen Alabama schließlich aufhob, verlor die NAACP in diesen Jahren ihre Führungsrolle in der Bürgerrechtsbewegung an Organisationen wie die Southern Christian Leadership Conference und das Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, die sich auf direkte Aktion und Massenmobilisierung, anstatt Rechtsstreitigkeiten und Gesetze, um die Rechte von Afroamerikanern zu fördern. Roy Wilkins, sein damaliger Präsident, geriet wiederholt mit Martin Luther King Jr. und anderen Bürgerrechtlern über Fragen der Strategie und des Prestiges innerhalb der Bewegung aneinander.

Gleichzeitig nutzte die NAACP die Entscheidung des Obersten Gerichtshofs in Brown, um im ganzen Land auf die Aufhebung der Rassentrennung in Schulen und öffentlichen Einrichtungen zu drängen. Daisy Bates, Präsidentin des Bundesstaates Arkansas, führte die Kampagne der Little Rock Nine zur Integration der öffentlichen Schulen in Little Rock, Arkansas, an.

Mitte der 1960er Jahre hatte die NAACP einen Teil ihrer Vorrangstellung in der Bürgerrechtsbewegung wiedererlangt, indem sie auf Bürgerrechtsgesetze drängte. Der Marsch auf Washington für Arbeitsplätze und Freiheit fand am 28. August 1963 statt. Der Kongress verabschiedete 1964 ein Bürgerrechtsgesetz zur Beendigung der Rassendiskriminierung in Beschäftigung, Bildung und öffentlichen Unterkünften, gefolgt von einem Stimmrechtsgesetz im Jahr 1965.

Nachdem Kivie Kaplan 1975 starb, wurde Benjamin Hooks, ein Rechtsanwalt und Geistlicher, 1977 zum Exekutivdirektor der NAACP gewählt.

Die 1990er Jahre: Krise und wiederhergestellte Stärke

In den 1990er Jahren verschuldete sich die NAACP, und die Entlassung zweier führender Funktionäre trug zum Bild einer Organisation in einer tiefen Krise bei.

1993 wählte der Vorstand der NAACP Reverend Benjamin Chavis knapp über Reverend Jesse Jackson, um die Position des Exekutivsekretärs zu besetzen. A controversial figure, Chavis was ousted eighteen months later by the same board that hired him, accused of using NAACP funds for an out-of-court settlement in a sexual harassment lawsuit. [2] (http://static.highbeam.com/n/newyorkamsterdamnews/october081994/betrayalthecaseagainstbenchavis)

Following the dismissal of Chavis, Myrlie Evers-Williams narrowly defeated NAACP chairperson William Gibson in 1995, after Gibson was accused of overspending and mismanagement of the organization's funds. In 1996 Congressman Kweisi Mfume a Democratic Congressman from Maryland and former head of the Congressional Black Caucus, was named the organization's president. Three years later strained finances forced the organization to drastically cut its staff, from 250 in 1992 to just fifty.

However, in the second half of the 1990s, the organization restored its finances, permitting the NAACP National Voter Fund to launch a major get-out-the-vote offensive in the 2000 U.S. presidential elections. 10.5 million African Americans cast their ballots in the election, one million more than four years before, and the NAACP's effort was credited by observers as playing a significant role in handing Democrat Al Gore several states where the election was close, such as Pennsylvania and Michigan.

Zeitleiste

1909 to 1949

1909: On February 12, the National Negro Committee was formed. Founders included Ida Wells-Barnett, W.E.B. DuBois, Henry Moscowitz, Mary White Ovington, Oswald Garrison Villiard, William English Walling.

1910: The NAACP began court fights with the Pink Franklin case. It involved a black farmhand, who killed a policeman in self-defense when the officer broke into his home at 3 a.m. to arrest him on a civil charge.

1913: The NAACP protested President Woodrow Wilson's official introduction of segregation to the federal government.

1914: Professor Emeritus Joel Spingarn of Columbia University became chairman of the NAACP and recruited for its board such Jewish leaders as Jacob Schiff, Jacob Billikopf, and Rabbi Stephen Wise.

1915: The NAACP organizes a nationwide protest against D.W. Griffith's racially inflammatory and bigoted silent film, Geburt einer Nation.

1917: In Buchanan v. Warley, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that states can not restrict and officially segregate African Americans into residential districts. Also, the NAACP won a battle to enable African-Americans to be commissioned as officers in World War I. Six hundred officers were commissioned, and 700,000 black men registered for the draft.

1918: After pressure by the NAACP, President Woodrow Wilson made a public statement against lynching.

1919: The NAACP sends Walter F. White to Arkansas to investigate the murder of several hundred black tenant farmers in October. The NAACP organizes the appeals on behalf of more than a hundred African-American defendants convicted in mob-dominated judicial proceedings the following month.

1920: To ensure that everyone, especially the Ku Klux Klan, knew the NAACP would not be intimidated, the annual conference was held in Atlanta, considered one of the most active areas of the Klan.

1922: The NAACP placed large ads in major newspapers to present the facts about lynching.

1930: The first of successful protests by the NAACP against Supreme Court justice nominees is begun against John Parker, who favored laws that discriminated against African-Americans.

1935: NAACP lawyers Charles Hamilton Houston and Thurgood Marshall won a legal fight to admit a black student to the University of Maryland Law School.

1939: After the Daughters of the American Revolution barred acclaimed contralto Marian Anderson from performing at their Constitution Hall, the NAACP moved her concert to the Lincoln Memorial, where more than 75,000 people attended.

1941: During World War II, the NAACP took part in the effort to ensure that President Franklin Roosevelt would order a nondiscrimination policy in war-related industries and federal employment.

1950 to 1990

1954: After years of fighting segregation in public schools, under the leadership of special counsel Thurgood Marshall, the NAACP won Brown gegen Bildungsausschuss. The historic U.S. Supreme Court decision barred school segregation.

1955: NAACP member and volunteer Rosa Parks is arrested and fined for refusing to give up her seat on a segregated bus in Montgomery, Alabama. This action became a catalyst for the largest grassroots civil rights movement in the U.S. It was spearheaded through the collective efforts of the NAACP, Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and other black organizations.

1957: LDF spun off as a separate organization.

1960: In Greensboro, North Carolina, members of the NAACP Youth Council started a series of nonviolent sit-ins at segregated lunch counters. These protests eventually led to more than 60 stores officially desegregating their counters.

1963: After one of his many successful mass rallies for civil rights, the NAACP's first field director in Mississippi, Medgar Evers, is assassinated in front of his home in Jackson, Mississippi.

1963: The NAACP pushed for passage of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act.

1964: The U.S. Supreme Court ended the eight-year effort of Alabama officials to ban NAACP activities.

1965: Amidst threats of violence and efforts of state and local governments, the NAACP registered more than 80,000 voters in the South.

1979: The NAACP initiates the first bill ever signed by a governor that allows voter registration in high schools. Soon after, twenty-four states followed suit.

1981: The NAACP led the effort to extend the Voting Rights Act for another twenty-five years. To cultivate economic empowerment, the NAACP established the Fair Share Program with major corporations across the country.

1982: NAACP registered more than 850,000 voters, and through its protests and the support of the Supreme Court, it prevented President Ronald Reagan from giving a tax break to the racially segregated Bob Jones University.

1985: The NAACP led a major anti-apartheid rally in New York City.

1989: the NAACP held a silent march of more than 100,000 people to protest U.S. Supreme Court decisions that have reversed many of the gains made against discrimination.

1990 and on

1991: When avowed Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke ran for the United States Senate in Louisiana, the NAACP started a voter registration campaign that yielded a 76 percent turnout of black voters to defeat Duke.

1995: Myrlie Evers-Williams, the widow of Medgar Evers, was elected to lead the NAACP's board of directors.

1996: Kweisi Mfume left the United States House of Representatives to become the president of the NAACP.

1996: Responding to anti-affirmative action legislation occurring around the country, the NAACP started the Economic Reciprocity Program. Also, in response to increased violence among youth, the NAACP started the "Stop The Violence, Start the Love" campaign.

2000: Accomplishments include television diversity agreements and the largest black voter turnout in 20 years.

2000: On January 17, in Columbia, South Carolina, more than 50,000 people attended a march to protest the flying of the Confederate battle flag. It was the largest civil rights demonstration ever held in the South to date.


Black History: The Niagara Movement

I am one who is critical of most of the black so-called civil rights organizations. Mainly because they are funded by white people and dare, I say if you “follow the money you will get the answer” “he who has the gold makes the rules.” In the case of the NAAP, the fact of the matter is that it was formed by ‘White’ people for the purpose of advancing the economic interests of Jewish people in the United States.

In the beginning, Ida B. Wells was one of the original members, but when she began advocating for ‘Black’ people’s interests, they removed her from the organization. The only other black member was DuBois, who stayed for a short time, but eventually left. In more than one hundred years nothing much has changed. They still put a black face out there that can do nothing but grin!

The association’s charter delineated its mission:

To promote equality of rights and to eradicate caste or race prejudice among the citizens of the United States to advance the interest of colored citizens to secure for them impartial suffrage and to increase their opportunities for securing justice in the courts, education for the children, employment according to their ability and complete equality before law.

In 1905, a group of thirty-two prominent African American leaders met to discuss the challenges facing people of color and possible strategies and solutions. They were expressly concerned by the disenfranchisement of Negro’s in the Southern states, particularly because of Mississippi’s passage of a new constitution in 1890. Also, in the early 1900s legislatures dominated by white Democrats ratified new constitutions and laws creating barriers to voter registration and more complex election rules. Black voter registration and turnout dropped markedly in the South as a result.

Because hotels in the U.S. were segregated, the men convened in Canada at the Erie Beach Hotel on the Canadian side of the Niagara River in Fort Erie, Ontario. As a result, the group came to be known as the Niagara Movement. A year later, three whites joined the group: journalist William E. Walling, social worker Mary White Ovington, and social worker Henry Moskowitz. They met in 1906 at Harper Ferry, West Virginia, and in 1907 in Boston Massachusetts.

The fledgling group struggled for a time with limited resources and internal conflict and disbanded in 1910. Seven of the members of the Niagara Movement joined the Board of Directors of the NAACP, founded in 1909. Although both organizations shared membership and overlapped for a time, the Niagara Movement was a separate organization. Historically it is considered to have had a more radical platform than the NAACP. The Niagara Movement was formed exclusively by African Americans.

This conference resulted in a more influential and diverse organization, where the leadership was predominantly white, and most of whom were Jewish American. In fact, at its founding, the NAACP had only one African American on its executive board – Du Bois. It did not elect a black president until 1975, although executive directors had been African American. The Jewish community contributed greatly to the NAACP’s founding and continued financing. Jewish historian Howard Sachar writes in his book A History of Jews in America “In 1914, Professor Emeritus Joel Spingarn of Columbia University became chairman of the NAACP and recruited for its board the early Jewish-American co-founders and members.”

According to Pbs.org, over the years, Jews have also expressed empathy (capability to share and understand another’s emotion and feelings) with the plight of Blacks. In the early 20th century, Jewish newspapers drew parallels between the Black movement out of the South and the Jews’ escape from Egypt. Pointing out that both Blacks and Jews lived in ghettos, and calling anti-Black riots in the South “pogroms.” Stressing the similarities, rather than the differences, between the Jewish and Black experience in America. Jewish leaders emphasized the idea that both groups would benefit the more America moved toward a society of merit, free of religious, ethnic and racial restrictions.”

Pbs.org further states, “The American Jewish Committee, the American Jewish Congress, and the Anti-Defamation League were central to the campaign against racial prejudice. Jews made substantial financial contributions to many civil rights organizations. About 50 percent of the civil rights attorneys in the South during the 1960s were Jews, as were over 50 percent of the Whites who went to Mississippi in 1964 to challenge Jim Crow Laws.

As a member of the Princeton chapter of the NAACP, Albert Einstein corresponded with Du Bois and in 1946 Einstein called racism “America’s worst disease.” Du Bois continued to play a pivotal role in the organization and served as editor of the association’s magazine, The Crisis, which had a circulation of over 30,000.

Moorfield Storey, who was white, was the president of the NAACP from its founding to 1915. Storey consistently and aggressively championed civil rights not only for blacks but also for Native Americans and immigrants. The board of directors of the NAACP created the Legal Defense Fund in 1939 specifically for tax purposes. It functioned as the NAACP legal department.

Intimidated by the Department of the Treasury and the Internal Revenue Service, the Legal and Educational Defense Fund, Inc., became a separate legal entity in 1957. Although, it was clear that it was to operate in accordance with NAACP policy. After 1961, serious disputes emerged between the two organizations creating considerable confusion in the eyes and minds of the public.

I am for anyone or group with the intention to benefit the dire state of the African American. However, during my research for this piece I only found a few significant achievements over its more than one hundred year history. It appears that this group is funded by whites, and it is they who guide policy in a way to silently suppress the “Negro” then and now. Think about it, if this organization was fighting for black people like the narrative implies – they would have been wiped out like all of the other groups fighting for the freedom of black people! And that’s my thought provoking perspective…


The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the Long Struggle for Civil Rights in the United States

In 2009 the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People celebrated its 100th anniversary. In the article below historian Susan Bragg provides a brief introduction to the history of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the oldest continually active civil rights organization in the United States.

Founded in 1909, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) has provided critical institutional support and leadership in the fight against racial inequalities in America. Although sometimes criticized as too moderate or bureaucratic in nature, the NAACP’s repeated legal campaigns eventually overturned the infamous 1896 Supreme Court ruling sanctioning segregation (Plessy v. Ferguson) and is still a significant political organization to this day.

A violent mob attack on black residents of Springfield, Illinois in 1908 galvanized a handful of progressive white social activists to reach out to African American leaders. Socialist William English Walling, settlement house worker Mary White Ovington, Jewish social worker Henry Moskowitz, and Oswald Garrison Villard, editor of Die Nation, circulated “The Call” to protest the rise of racial violence and discrimination around the nation. They were joined in this venture by black sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois. Long a critic of the “social uplift” agenda advocated by black educator Booker T. Washington, Du Bois saw the NAACP as both an opportunity to re-invigorate demands for full black civil rights and an important reminder of the national dimensions of Jim Crow. After a series of meetings held in 1909 and 1910, the NAACP emerged as an organization dedicated to protesting racial inequality in American public life.

Over the course of the 20th century, the NAACP explicitly promoted itself as a model of interracial exchange, while also implicitly encouraging activism by both men and women. Initially, formal national leadership positions in the NAACP were largely held by white progressives based in New York City but W. E. B. Du Bois served as editor of the organization’s main source of publicity, Die Krise. This important journal circulated news of civil rights activism and promoted black art, writing, and poetry with the vision of challenging mainstream stereotypes of African Americans.

African Americans made up the majority of participants of the many local NAACP chapters that spread slowly throughout the nation and by the era of World War I, a new cadre of black male leaders such as James Weldon Johnson and Walter White emerged as national leaders of the organization. At the same time, the organization regularly relied upon black women’s participation, particularly at the branch level. While prominent anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells-Barnett reported feeling dismissed by both black male leaders and white female progressives associated with the organization, many women associated with the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) supported the goals of the NAACP through fund raising activities and membership drives. By the 1930s, women like Juanita Jackson Mitchell and Ella Baker emerged as important staff workers in the national organization of the NAACP.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People challenged racial inequalities largely by publicity and targeted legal challenges, a program initially dictated by the fact that the majority of African Americans lived in the South where direct protest against Jim Crow was dangerous. Such tactics sometimes discouraged grass-roots activism by prioritizing the leadership role of the national staff, yet the NAACP proved successful in winning some important early battles such as overturning the “grandfather clause” (Guinn v. the United States, 1915) and residential segregation ordinances (Buchanan v. Warley, 1917).

The organization also served as an important voice against lynching throughout the 20th century, particularly by lobbying for anti-lynching bills in the 1920s and 1930s. Despite the failure of these legislative efforts, early court victories and increasing national publicity reinforced the NAACP’s commitment to forcing change through political pressure and legal campaigns. Most prominently, a series of NAACP-funded challenges to education inequalities eventually led to Brown v. Bildungsrat von Topeka (1954), the Supreme Court ruling overturning de jure segregation.

The NAACP’s emphasis on civil rights agendas supported its larger cultural vision of American pluralism, but over the years the organization has been repeatedly criticized as narrow or even elitist. Während Crisis emerged as a critical source of black creative expression during the Harlem Renaissance of the 1920s, Marcus Garvey’s United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) gained more members because of its grass roots emphasis on black unity and community development. In the 1930s, the NAACP created influential relationships with northern Democrats through its anti-lynching efforts even as it struggled to assert a strong vision of economic justice. The organization finally built a mass movement during the years of World War II by pressing the “Double V campaign” to integrate the defense industries, partnering with the CIO and other labor unions, and extending branches into the South.

These developments, in combination with the NAACP’s continuing legal campaigns against segregation, provided critical support for the modern Civil Rights movement. At the same time, the NAACP has struggled to both defend itself against criticism from outside pressures and to translate legal victories into broader social change. Defenders of Jim Crow denounced the NAACP as a “radical” organization and sought to restrict its development in southern states. Yet, by the 1960s, the organization also found itself pressured by youth-led protests that rejected the mediating role of the NAACP in favor of direct activism and grass-roots interests. These tensions reflected the larger difficulty of defining the NAACP’s social justice agenda in the years after Braun gegen Brett.

While the NAACP continues to identify and protest various forms of racial inequality in America, finding resolutions to de facto forms of racial discrimination have proven an ongoing challenge. Ultimately, the NAACP remains a powerful watchdog organization, promoting African American opportunity as a gauge of American democratic health.


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Jewish Americans have flourished in America, enjoying immense freedom and opportunities. But like other minorities, Jewish Americans have also faced prejudice, especially during periods of economic hardship or war. During World War I and the Great Depression, Jews were often targeted as scapegoats.

The lynching of Leo Frank, a prominent Jewish businessman in Atlanta, alarmed Jewish Americans in 1915. He was falsely accused and convicted of killing a worker, Mary Phagan, in the pencil factory that he managed. After Georgia Governor John M. Slaton stayed Frank's execution because of a lack of evidence, a mob dragged him from the jail and lynched him. Though an isolated tragedy, it caused a ripple effect of fear. Decades later, in 1986, Frank was granted a posthumous pardon while evidence now points to the guilt of Jim Conley, a janitor in the factory who falsely accused Frank of the murder during the trial.

The Leo Frank incident also led to a resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK). By the mid-1920s, the KKK claimed to have four million members, more than all the Jews in the United States. In the midst of this turmoil and despite protestations at the time, President Woodrow Wilson nominated Louis D. Brandeis to the Supreme Court in 1916. As the first Jew to serve on the Court, Justice Brandeis had to endure bitter taunts, particularly from fellow justice James C. McReynolds. In the 1920s, Henry Ford, who revolutionized mass production in American industry, relentlessly blamed Jewish Americans for many of the nation's ills in his newspaper, The Dearborn Independent. It was only after World War II that barriers to Jewish Americans began to dissipate in America.

THE JEWISH AMERICANS is a production of JTN Productions WETA Washington, D.C. and David Grubin Productions, Inc.
in association with Thirteen/WNET New York.

Funders for THE JEWISH AMERICANS include The National Endowment for the Humanities Corporation for Public Broadcasting Public Broadcasting Service Nash Family Foundation The Arthur Vining Davis Foundations The Paul & Irma Milstein Foundation The Skirball Foundation The Chais Family Foundation Harry & Belle Krupnick Endowment Fund of the Los Angeles Jewish Community Foundation The Cukier, Goldstein-Goren Foundation Ann B. Friedman The Jesselson Family The Annenberg Foundation Blumenthal Fund Nancy and Morris W. Offit Ruth Ziegler Barbara Zuckerberg.


National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in Alabama (NAACP)

NAACP March in Athens, 2007 Beginning in 1913, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was the leading advocate for black constitutional rights in Alabama during the first half of the twentieth century. Other advocacy organizations existed, such as civic and voters' leagues, but Alabama's NAACP branches provided the most consistent and vocal challenge to African Americans' second-class status in society before the modern civil rights movement. White supremacists viewed the NAACP as a threat to the status quo and used intimidation, violence, and the law to eliminate the various branches in the state. Finally, in 1956, the state outlawed the organization outright, which led to a loss of influence. Alabama NAACP branches also faced internal threats to their survival through ineffective leadership and factionalism. Faced with threats of white reprisal, loss of will on the part of some branch officials and members, and competition from the Communist Party, the Alabama NAACP's crusade for racial equality was still able to generate the opposition to disenfranchisement and Jim Crow laws that would later define the 1950s and 1960s. NAACP Leaders in Washington, D.C. The 1940s represented the height of NAACP organizing in Alabama. By the mid-1940s, Alabama boasted 35 branches with nearly 15,000 members. In part, this growth was prompted by a number of successful court cases filed by the national office to challenge discrimination in housing, public spaces, and education, among others. But the phenomenal expansion was primarily a result of black Alabamians' growing outrage with racial biases, heightened by entry into World War II. Racist policies within the military and wartime industries fueled resentment and fostered a spirit of protest. The result was an explosion in NAACP activism in the state and throughout the South. Rosa Parks and Johnnie Carr, 1985 Membership was largely male in the early years of organizing, but African American middle-class women began to join branches in unprecedented numbers beginning in the late 1930s and held important positions in some branches. For instance, women comprised more than 55 percent of the Montgomery branch's total membership during the early 1940s. They composed 20 percent of the branch's Executive Committee and chaired the Veterans' Affairs Committee. Several woman held the post of secretary of the Montgomery NAACP—an extremely important position given this officer's role as liaison with the New York headquarters. Two of the best-known secretaries of the Montgomery branch were Johnnie Carr and Rosa Parks, who both participated in the Montgomery Bus Boycott and came to symbolize the role of black women in the fight for full rights. Activist and cook Georgia Gilmore organized the "Club from Nowhere," a group of women who cooked and sold food to raise money for the boycott and also accepted anonymous donations, and she also fed boycotters and movement leaders in her Montgomery home. John LeFlore Even the well-run branches faced immense challenges in carrying out the NAACP's goals. The national organization had been founded in 1909 to secure blacks' complete citizenship rights, chiefly through legal efforts, lobbying, and the media. But confronting white supremacy in Alabama, using these and other methods, could result in intimidation on the job, firings, physical harm, and sometimes death. W. E. Morton, secretary of the Mobile branch, was nearly killed by a white mob in 1921 as he conducted NAACP business in nearby Camden. John LeFlore, Mobile branch secretary from 1926 to 1956, endured continual harassment from his white post office supervisors because of his NAACP activities. In the 1930s, police arrested Earnest Taggart as he posted flyers announcing the Birmingham branch's anti-lynching crusade and issued bogus traffic citations to NAACP members during the branch's campaign against police violence. In the 1940s, Birmingham law enforcement officers snatched NAACP buttons from the clothing of local branch members amid the organization's ongoing effort to end police brutality. Autherine Lucy, 1956 Alabama branches used legal means to overturn racial zoning and racially discriminating public teacher' salaries, and they hired lawyers to represent African Americans charged with crimes against whites, such as rape or murder, and used the courts to prosecute whites accused of crimes against African Americans. By the time the Montgomery Bus Boycott began in December 1955, Alabama NAACP activism had created a climate of organized, determined racial protest. The activities executed by the state's branches had achieved enhanced employment opportunities, legal measures calling for more equitable teacher salaries, court decrees outlawing discrimination in voting and racial zoning, and improved interstate railroad accommodations. In Mobile, the branch's protest against the unfair treatment of blacks on municipal buses led the city to implement a "first-come, first served" seating arrangement in 1942. In 1956, NAACP agitation also forced the University of Alabama to admit, if only for a few days, Autherine Lucy. Most importantly, the branches' energetic efforts saved blacks from unjust prison terms as well as from death sentences imposed on the basis of race. Also in 1956, the national office provided legal assistance to Montgomery blacks in the Browder v. Gayle case, which declared Jim Crow bus service unconstitutional.

The NAACP never regained its original prominence in the state. But NAACP branches had, over the years, created the groundswell that would place Alabama at the center of the modern struggle for social justice. Currently, the Alabama NAACP has approximately 35 branches that focus their efforts on disaster relief and continuing instances of racial prejudice, such as job discrimination. The state president is Edward Vaughn, former Michigan State Representative and Alabama native the state NAACP headquarters is in Dothan. Branch offices are located in Eufaula, Barbour County Clanton, Chilton County and Mobile, Mobile County.

Autrey, Dorothy A. "The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in Alabama, 1913–1952." Ph. D diss., University of Notre Dame, 1985.


Orange County

Orange County, county in California, U.S. In 2005 there were some 3 million people living in Orange County, with the Jewish population estimated at 60,000�,000. 2009 estimates put the Jewish population between 80,000 and 100,000.

Orange County Jewish communities include Orange, Anaheim, Santa Ana, Irvine, Yorba Linda, Garden Grove, Laguna Beach, Laguna Hills, Huntington Beach, Tustin, Fountain Valley, Newport Beach, Westminster, Fullerton, Mission Viejo, and Costa Mesa. Most Jews live in Irvine, Newport Beach, Mission Viejo, and Aliso Viejo.

Southern California or California Southland Jewry is an interrelated community in Santa Barbara, Ventura, Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, Imperial, and San Diego counties. In climate, water supply, politics, agriculture and industry it differs from the rest of California. Rivalry has long existed between the northern and southern areas of California. While Orange County and neighboring Los Angeles border each other geographically and share some similarities, the two communities are quite distinct.

The primary motivation for settlement in Southern California was not a search for religious freedom but economic opportunity. Many Jews who came to the Southland in the early days had first gone to San Francisco, from which place Jews quickly dispersed throughout the entire American and Canadian West. The Gold Rush brought Jews to Southern California more for trade and agriculture than for mining. The area was known in biblical language as the place of ⋊ttle on a thousand hills."

Orange County Jewry began in 1858, with the arrival of Bavarian immigrant Benjamin Dreyfus to the town of Anaheim. In the early period the best known Jewish citizen of Orange County was Dreyfus, who was a vintner, general agriculturalist, and mayor of Anaheim in 1881 and 1882. Most of Orange County's first Jews were German, including Louis Wartenberg, Morris Goodman, the Reinhaus family, Jacob and Herman Stern, and Joseph Goodman.

Santa Ana was platted in 1870, and in 1872 Jews were located there as merchants. Three Jews held the first High Holy Day services in Anaheim in 1874. In that year Jews were also found in the nearby mission town of San Juan Capistrano, the most notable being Max Mendelson. In 1876 the first Jew reached Tustin. The community of Anaheim was quiet in 1880 when Jewish stores were closed for Yom Kippur, the local press reported.

French Jews were perhaps 10% of all the Jews who arrived during the Gold Rush decades. They came from Alsace, Marseilles, and Paris. Among them were Algerian Jews such as Hippolyte Cahen in Anaheim in 1878.

In the beginning of the 20 th century Sephardi Jews from the island of Rhodes immigrated to Southern California. Other Sephardim arrived during the 1910s and 1920s. Most of the newcomers did not speak English, but the Ladino they spoke was close to the Mexican Spanish of California. Sephardi Jews generally moved first to Seattle, Washington, then later on to California.

Santa Ana and Tustin Jewry - 25 families in all - began establishing a congregation in 1919, to meet the needs of their children for Jewish education.

From the 1930s onward there has been a massive influx of population to Southern California, and Orange County has benefited from the post-World War II development of the region as well as the movement of major corporations and hi-tech industries to Southern California. Jewish life was stimulated by a large influx of British, Canadian, Israeli, Latin American, North African, Russian, South African, and Iranian Jews, who established their own organizations as well as integrating into the older communities. A large number of Hungarian Jews reached the Southland after the Soviets crushed the movement to liberalization in that country in 1956. Iranian Jews have sent their children to all-day schools and have a higher rate of synagogue affiliation than the average. Russian and Israeli non-Orthodox immigrants tend to be High Holiday Jews.

The Merage Jewish Community Center, one of the largest in the United States, with its impressive community campus in Irvine, is an important presence in the community. It is home to Jewish Federation Orange County, the Bureau of Jewish Education, Jewish Family Service, B'nai B'rith Youth Organization, the Community Foundation, Taglit, the Orange County Jewish Historical Society, and Camp Yofi.

Synagogue life is local and Jews are spread throughout the county, but communal life is concentrated in the areas of greatest populations.

There are 38 synagogues in Orange County of every denomination. There are Conservative congregations in several cities: Congregation B'nai Israel in Tustin, Congregation Eilat in Mission Viejo, Surf City Synagogue of Huntington Beach, Temple Beth Emet of Anaheim, Temple Isaiah of Newport Beach. Reform congregations are also found throughout the county: Congregation B'nai Tzedek in Fountain Valley, Congregation Shir Ha Maɺlot in Irvine, Reform Temple of Laguna Woods, Temple Bat Yahm in Newport Beach, Temple Beth David in Westminster, Temple Beth El of South Orange County in Aliso Viejo, Temple Beth Ohr in La Mirada, Temple Beth Sholom in Santa Ana (Orange County's first synagogue), Temple Beth Tikvah in Fullerton. There are Orthodox Congregations: Beth Jacob Congregation of Irvine, Beth Torah Synagogue of Laguna Woods, Young Israel of Orange County in Irvine. There is also a non-denominational congregation: Temple Judea of Laguna Woods.

Chabad has established a presence in Aliso Viejo, Cypress/Los Alamitos, Huntington Beach, Irvine, North Irvine, Laguna Beach, Laguna Niguel, Mission Viejo, Newport Beach, San Clemente, Rancho Santa Margarita, Tustin, and Yorba Linda.

The Sephardi community has two congregations: Ohr Yisrael Sephardic Congregation of Orange County in Irvine, Beth Jacob Sephardic Minyan, also in Irvine.

Rabbi Arnold Rachlis, a former White House Fellow and a leading voice in the Reconstructionist movement, is the rabbi of University Synagogue in Irvine, the sole Reconstructionist congregation and one of the largest synagogues in Orange County.

Humanistic Judaism is represented by the Pacific Community of Secular Humanistic Jews and the Orange County Society for Humanistic Judaism.

There are two day schools in the community: Tarbut V'Torah Community Day School in Irvine and the Hebrew Academy in Huntington Beach.

Among the national organizations that have established offices in Orange County are the American Jewish Committee (AJC) and the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), which have a large presence. Hadassah, Hillel, the Israeli Scouts and B'nai B'rith Youth Organization are also present.

Hillel serves all the campuses in Orange County, including UC Irvine, Chapman University, Cal State Fullerton, and the surrounding colleges. Chapman University has a strong Holocaust education program that not only serves the campus but the community at large and sponsors annual activities in the schools, including a writing contest and teacher training. It recently established a Holocaust Center, which includes a small display of Holocaust artifacts, in its new library, sponsored by the Samueli Family and local philanthropists.

Heritage Pointe and Bubbe & Zayde's Place provides care for the elderly.

Although Jews are an accepted part of Orange County life, the county used to have the reputation of being the center of significant antisemitism. In the late 1970s, The Institute for Historical Review, a Holocaust denial organization, once posted a $50,000 reward for anyone who could prove that the Holocaust happened. Much to their chagrin, Auschwitz survivor and Newport Beach resident Mel Mermelstein took up the challenge and prevailed in court. Mermelstein went against the common advice of the Jewish professional community to quarantine the hate groups and not to engage in discourse. The case drew national attention and was the subject of a television movie. Several mayors have been Jewish two in Irvine and others in Orange County.

Quellen: Encyclopaedia Judaica. © 2008 The Gale Group. Alle Rechte vorbehalten.

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